Adam Isacson

Defense, security, borders, migration, and human rights in Latin America and the United States. May not reflect my employer’s consensus view.


Graphics: the new CBP border/migration data in context

This afternoon U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) released a lot of new data about migrants at the border through February. Here are updated versions of some graphics, using official data, that put those numbers in context.

For the first time ever, an incredible 61 percent of all migrants apprehended by Border Patrol at the U.S.-Mexico border are children, and parents with children. This proportion was never as high as 10 percent before 2012.
Child and family apprehensions took a big leap in February, overwhelming Border Patrol’s capacity to deal with them—and U.S. humanitarian groups’ capacity as well.
The number of single adults being apprehended at the border remains near 50-year lows, and less than most of 2016. The typical migrant is no longer an adult traveling alone.
The same thing is happening in Mexico, which has seen asylum requests almost double every year since 2014. As in the United States, most of those requesting are citizens of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras fleeing violence and poverty.
At official land ports of entry, there has been no increase in asylum-seekers. That is because CBP is rigidly “metering” arrivals of those who would seek asylum the “proper” way, posting officers at the borderline to prevent them from presenting themselves inside the ports.
The largest percent increase in migration in February came from Honduras. Some were probably participants in a mid-January caravan, who received humanitarian visas from the Mexican government. As this was a one-time event—Mexico is not offering the visas in-country now—the number of Hondurans may drop in March.
Guatemala is the number-one country for child and family arrivals. The flow is heaviest from the country’s rural highlands. A robust trafficking route is taking many to remote desert zones like Yuma and the New Mexico bootheel.
El Salvador has dropped to a distant third in child and family arrivals. The “northern triangle” is increasingly two-sided.
Arrivals from other countries are up, too. Many are probably fleeing Nicaragua’s brutal crackdown on dissent.
CBP data show that of heroin, cocaine, fentanyl, and methamphetamine seized at the border, the overwhelming majority—80 to 90 percent—is seized at ports of entry, not the spaces between the ports where walls would be built.
CBP data show that of heroin, cocaine, fentanyl, and methamphetamine seized at the border, the overwhelming majority—80 to 90 percent—is seized at ports of entry, not the spaces between the ports where walls would be built.
CBP data show that of heroin, cocaine, fentanyl, and methamphetamine seized at the border, the overwhelming majority—80 to 90 percent—is seized at ports of entry, not the spaces between the ports where walls would be built.
CBP data show that of heroin, cocaine, fentanyl, and methamphetamine seized at the border, the overwhelming majority—80 to 90 percent—is seized at ports of entry, not the spaces between the ports where walls would be built.
The one drug that is primarily seized between the ports of entry, where walls would be built, is marijuana. But marijuana trafficking from Mexico has dropped sharply since 2013. Several U.S. states’ legalization dealt a severe blow to Mexican cannabis traffickers.
The average Border Patrol agent apprehended 23 migrants during all of fiscal 2018. And 9 of them (40 percent) were children and families who, in most cases, sought to be apprehended.
Though we still await data for 2018, in 2017 Border Patrol agents were apprehending far more migrants in Texas’s Rio Grande Valley sector than elsewhere.

The 17 Government Reports About Latin America That I Found Most Useful in 2017

Tracking the U.S. relationship with Latin America’s security forces requires finding credible, citable data. For that, government documents are a goldmine. They’re primary sources, straight from the State and unfiltered through outside journalists or analysts. I find such documents so useful that since 2015 I’ve kept a database of them: those I’ve obtained as well as those I’m trying to get my hands on.

The reports listed here, all issued in 2017, are essential reading for Latin America security nerds. Many suffer from agencies’ blinders, or express policy priorities that I don’t share. But they are still rich in information that is nearly impossible to find elsewhere.

  • A Special Joint Review of Post-Incident Responses by the Department of State and Drug Enforcement Administration to Three Deadly Force Incidents in Honduras, Department of Justice and Department of State Inspectors-General, May 24, 2017
    This report’s 400-plus pages discuss three incidents in 2012 involving an elite DEA team assigned to interdict drug traffickers in rural Honduras, an effort called “Operation Anvil.” In all three there was loss of life. In the worst incident, four innocent civilians were killed, including two pregnant women. And DEA was uncooperative when investigators tried to figure out what happened. A devastating report. I highlighted a dozen troubling/horrifying excerpts back in August.
  • Government Police Training and Equipping Programs, Department of Defense, April 1, 2017
    It’s mostly a spreadsheet, but it’s engrossing. It’s a listing of all training events involving foreign police forces in 2015 and 2016. I wish all public reporting of aid was this transparent.
  • Counternarcotics: Overview of U.S. Efforts in the Western Hemisphere, Government Accountability Office, October 13, 2017
    A documentation of $39 billion that U.S. federal agencies spent to counter drug trafficking in the Western Hemisphere. Some data is confusing—I’m not sure about the categories—and some is surprising. But a lot of it is new, and it’s an essential read.
  • Southwest Border Security: Additional Actions Needed to Better Assess Fencing’s Contributions to Operations and Provide Guidance for Identifying Capability Gaps, Government Accountability Office, February 16, 2017
    A review of the current use of fencing along the U.S.-Mexico border. This is the best overview of the existing border wall. 
  • Metrics Developed to Measure the Effectiveness of Security Between Ports of Entry, Office of Immigration Statistics, U.S. Department of Homeland Security, September 14, 2017
    Congress required the Homeland Security Department to publish “the metrics developed to measure the effectiveness of security between the ports of entry, including the methodology and data supporting the resulting measures.” The report finds, “The southwest land border is more difficult to illegally cross today than ever before.”
  • Colombia: Background and U.S. Relations, Congressional Research Service, November 14, 2017
    The first of five CRS reports here. Good overview of Colombia’s conflict and post-conflict challenges, and the history of U.S. aid. Great aid numbers and explanation of the current aid package.
  • Colombia’s Changing Approach to Drug Policy, Congressional Research Service, November 30, 2017
    A look at coca and cocaine production trends in Colombia, the Colombian government’s post-conflict shifts in eradication and interdiction, and how those mesh with U.S. priorities and programs.
  • U.S.-Mexican Security Cooperation: The Merida Initiative and Beyond, Congressional Research Service, June 29, 2017
    A regular overview of U.S. public security, border security, anti-drug, police, and judicial reform assistance to Mexico through the framework established in 2007-2008 by the Mérida Initiative.
  • U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central America: Policy Issues for Congress, Congressional Research Service, June 8, 2017
    A periodically updated overview of U.S. assistance to Central America to improve public security and governance.
  • El Salvador: Background and U.S. Relations, Congressional Research Service, November 3, 2017
    A periodically updated overview of El Salvador’s public security challenges and political situation, with some details about U.S. assistance.
  • Foreign Military Training Report, Department of Defense, Department of State, December 2017
    An accounting of all training of foreign security forces provided by U.S. personnel. Must include totals, dollar amounts, recipient units, units offering training, training locations, and course titles. Much data, however, gets omitted, so don’t consider this report to be comprehensive.
  • Colombia Human Rights Certification, Department of State, September 11, 2017
    Every year, in order to free up a percentage of military aid to Colombia, the State Department must certify that Colombia’s security forces are improving their human rights record. Human rights groups in Colombia dismiss this report as shedding a too-positive light on grave impunity shortcomings. Still, this is one of the most detailed overviews available of the Colombian justice system’s efforts to hold military human rights abusers accountable.
  • Section 2011 Report on Special Operations Forces Training, Department of Defense, April 1, 2017
    A yearly report mainly covering Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET), a program that takes U.S. Special Operations Forces on training missions to over 100 countries each year. This is heavily redacted, but looking at earlier versions of the report (here and here) makes it possible to discern patterns in the Special Forces relationship.
  • National Drug Threat Assessment, Drug Enforcement Administration, October 2017
    The DEA’s annual overview of principal illicit drug threats. An important source of information about trafficking patterns. (Gives citable answers to questions like: Where does most cocaine in the U.S. come from? Is it mostly transshipped by air or boats? How does it cross the U.S. border?)
  • International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, Department of State, March 2, 2017
    An annual narrative of efforts to reduce illegal drug production and transshipment, including U.S. assistance, in each country that the U.S. government considers to be a major source or transit country. It’s sort of boring and wordy, but a close read is rewarded by numerous bits of information that you don’t find anywhere else. For instance, that U.S. authorities alerted Honduran forces 100 times in 2016 about cocaine shipments headed to Honduran territory—and the Hondurans made zero interdictions.
  • Challenges Facing DHS in Its Attempt to Hire 15,000 Border Patrol Agents and Immigration Officers, Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General, July 27, 2017
    The IG casts serious doubt on the Trump administration’s loudly declared plans to expand Border Patrol and ICE. It memorably estimates that to increase Border Patrol by 5,000 agents, the agency would need about 750,000 applicants—more than 1 percent of the entire U.S. population between 21 and 35 years of age.
  • Statement of Anthony D. Williams, Assistant Administrator – Chief of Operations, Drug Enforcement Administration before the Senate Caucus on International Drug Control, September 12, 2017
    Of all congressional hearing testimonies I read this year, this one yielded the most clippings in my database because it had the most information I’ve seen in a while about DEA’s operations in the Western Hemisphere.

Who are the House’s border hardliners and reformers?

I asked my “” congressional web database which members of Congress most consistently sign on to legislation or letters, or join caucuses, having to do with U.S.-Mexico border security. The result was the below list of 19 “hardliners” and 20 “reformers” in the House of Representatives.

Of the 19 hardliners, 18 are Republicans who won their districts by more then 10 percentage points in November. (The other is the lone Democrat, Henry Cuellar of south Texas.) Only one is a woman. Three represent districts whose population is over 30 percent Latino. Five sit on committees that oversee border security policy.

Of the 20 reformers, all are Democrats who won their districts by more than 10 percentage points in November. Fourteen represent districts whose population is over 30 percent Latino. Four sit on committees that oversee border security policy.

This is an inexact tool: for instance, it omits hardliner Michael McCaul (R-Texas) and reformer Lucille Roybal-Allard (D-California), a committee chairman and a ranking Democrat whose positions lead them to sponsor fewer bills. But it still yields an interesting result.

Hardliners: favor building up border security and cracking down on immigration

  • Rep. Jodey Arrington, R-TX 19 (Abilene, Lubbock); partisan index R+27%
  • Rep. Lou Barletta, R-PA 11 (Carlisle, Harrisburg, Hazleton, Sunbury); partisan index R+13%
  • Rep. Diane Black, R-TN 6 (Cookeville, Gallatin); partisan index R+27%
  • Rep. David Alan “Dave” Brat, R-VA 7 (Glen Allen, Spotsylvania, Richmond area); partisan index R+5%
  • Rep. Mo Brooks, R-AL 5 (Decatur, Huntsville, Shoals); partisan index R+18%
  • Rep. Michael C. Burgess, R-TX 26 (Lake Dallas, Denton, Dallas-Fort Worth area); partisan index R+15%
  • Rep. Ken S. Calvert, R-CA 42 (Corona, Murrieta); partisan index R+7%
  • Rep. Henry Cuellar, D-TX 28 (Laredo, Mission, Rio Grande City, San Antonio); partisan index D+9%
  • Rep. Matt Gaetz, R-FL 1 (Pensacola); partisan index R+22%
  • Rep. Thomas Garrett, R-VA 5 (Charlottesville, Danville); partisan index R+7%
  • Rep. Louie B. Gohmert Jr., R-TX 1 (Longview, Lufkin, Marshall, Nacogdoches, Tyler); partisan index R+25%
  • Rep. Paul A. Gosar, R-AZ 4 Gold Canyon, Kingman, Prescott); partisan index R+22%
  • Rep. Duncan D. Hunter, R-CA 50 (El Cajon, Escondido, Temecula); partisan index R+9%
  • Rep. Walter B. Jones Jr., R-NC 3 (Greenville, Havelock, Jacksonville); partisan index R+13%
  • Rep. Steve A. King, R-IA 4 (Ames, Fort Dodge, Mason City, Sioux City, Spencer); partisan index R+16%
  • Rep. Kenny Ewell Marchant, R-TX 24 Irving, Dallas-Fort Worth area); partisan index R+4%
  • Rep. David “Phil” Roe, R-TN 1 (Kingsport, Morristown); partisan index R+31%
  • Rep. Lamar S. Smith, R-TX 21 (Austin, Kerrville, San Antonio); partisan index R+6%
  • Rep. Joe G. Wilson, R-SC 2 (Aiken/Barnwell, West Columbia); partisan index R+10%

Reformers: favor less coercive border security and welcome immigration

  • Rep. Tony Cardenas, D-CA 29 (San Fernando Valley); partisan index D+31%
  • Rep. Judy M. Chu, D-CA 27 (Claremont, Pasadena); partisan index D+19%
  • Rep. Yvette D. Clarke, D-NY 9 (Brooklyn); partisan index D+34%
  • Rep. Ruben Gallego, D-AZ 7 (Phoenix); partisan index D+25%
  • Rep. Raul M. Grijalva, D-AZ 3 (Tucson, Yuma, southwest to border); partisan index D+15%
  • Rep. Luis V. Gutierrez, D-IL 4 (Chicago); partisan index D+35%
  • Rep. Barbara Lee, D-CA 13 (Oakland, Berkeley); partisan index D+42%
  • Rep. Zoe Lofgren, D-CA 19 (San Jose); partisan index D+26%
  • Rep. Michelle Lujan Grisham, D-NM 1 (San Jose); partisan index D+26%
  • Rep. James P. “Jim” McGovern, D-MA 2 (Leominster, Northampton, Worcester); partisan index D+9%
  • Rep. Gwen Moore, D-WI 4 (Milwaukee); partisan index D+26%
  • Rep. Grace F. Napolitano, D-CA 32 (El Monte, east of Los Angeles); partisan index D+20%
  • Rep. Beto O’Rourke, D-TX 16 (El Paso); partisan index D+20%
  • Rep. Linda T. Sanchez, D-CA 38 (Norwalk, Los Angeles Area, Orange County); partisan index D+20%
  • Rep. Janice D. “Jan” Schakowsky, D-IL 9 (North side Chicago, Evanston, Glenview); partisan index D+23%
  • Rep. Jose E. Serrano, D-NY 15 (Bronx); partisan index D+44%
  • Rep. Darren Soto, D-FL 9 (South Orlando, Kissimmee); partisan index D+6%
  • Rep. Norma Torres, D-CA 35 (Ontario, Pomona); partisan index D+20%
  • Rep. Juan Vargas, D-CA 51 (San Diego, El Centro, border); partisan index D+25%
  • Rep. Filemon Vela, D-TX 34 (Alice, Brownsville, San Benito, Weslaco); partisan index D+10%

Reformers met at least two of these conditions. Three members met three (Brooks, King, and Smith):

  1. Co-Sponsors H.R.2146 Unaccompanied Alien Children Placement Transparency Act of 2017
  2. Co-sponsors 2017 House Anti-Border Corruption Reauthorization Act
  3. Cosponsors HR 1813 – Border Wall Funding Act
  4. Cosponsors HR 2186 – El CHAPO Act
  5. Cosponsors HR 82 Criminal Alien Deportation Enforcement Act
  6. Members of House Border Security Caucus

Reformers met at least five of these conditions. One member met nine (Gutierrez):

  1. Co-Sponsors H.R.1608 ICE and CBP Body Camera Accountability Act
  2. Co-Sponsors H.R.2572 Protect Family Values at the Border Act
  3. Co-Sponsors H.R.920 – Protecting Our Border Communities Act Nullifying January 25, 2017 Executive Order
  4. Members of Congressional Hispanic Caucus Task Force on Immigration and Border Issues
  5. Cosponsors Border Enforcement Accountability, Oversight, and Community Engagement Act
  6. Cosponsors HR 1477 – No Taxpayer Funding for the Wall Act
  7. Cosponsors HR 837 – Build Bridges Not Walls Act
  8. Members of House Border Caucus
  9. Signers of House Letter Opposing Immigration Raids 2016-01-12
  10. Signers of asylum turnback letter 2017-05-25

My Latin America database now resides at “”

Screenshot of

I’ve owned the domain for several years; I use it for side projects related to work. The largest by far is one I started in mid-2015: a “database of everything” related to U.S. defense and security relations with Latin America.

This mammoth resource is just about complete. So I just took away the little “this site is under construction” warning and moved it to WOLA’s web space. It now lives at

This is a cool site: it’s where I keep everything work-related, except things that other apps do better, like calendar and e-mail. I share most of it with the public, because why not. It’s also super-fast: I used a lot of javascript nerdery so you don’t have to sit around waiting for pages to load.

There are four immense sections. All are searchable, or browsable by topic, country, aid program, and U.S. agency:

  • Data Clips: Whenever I’m reading an official government source and I see something I didn’t know about security in Latin America, I take that bit of information and put it here. I tag it by country, aid program, topic, and U.S. agency, and add all the data about where I got it from. As of this afternoon there are 1,784 such clips. Click on any country or topic and you can get a briefing about it.
  • Reports LibraryFinding out what our government is doing with Latin America’s security forces means getting our hands on official government reports. We keep them all here, and share them. (A private part of this section keeps track of what we’re doing to obtain them.) We have 173 reports in the library as of now.
  • Aid Programs: This part is brand new: we’re officially launching it next week. Many years ago, we set out to figure out all of the programs or “spigots” through which the U.S. government can give aid to foreign militaries. It turns out we identified 107 of them. Here they all are, explained, with the text of the laws that govern them and links to reports about them.
  • News: If you visit this site often, you know that every weekday morning I post links to security-related news coverage around Latin America. I use this part of the database to generate those posts. My database of news clippings going back to May 2015 is here: a ridiculous 8,643 articles. You can’t have the text of the articles—it’s important to respect copyright—but you can search for them and link to the originals.

There’s also two private sections that I use to keep track of contacts and research questions. The rest is public—and now it’s a new subdomain on WOLA’s website.

I’ll keep the information gathered until now at the old domain. But that site will have a big warning at the top instructing visitors to go to, and it will be hosted on a much slower (and cheaper) hosting plan.

I hope you find it useful.

Some trivia about Congress and Latin America

Screenshot from

This is from and yes, I understand how nerdy it is.

I derived these using “Narrow Down Congress,” a web-app I coded over the holidays. It does one thing: find members of Congress who match more than one category. I invite you to play around with it.

The House and Senate Foreign Relations/Affairs Committees have subcommittees for the Western Hemisphere. They have a combined 23 members. Of these 23:

4 are under 50 (born since 1967):

  • Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-Texas)
  • Rep. Ron DeSantis (R-Florida)
  • Sen. Cory Gardner (R-Colorado)
  • Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Florida)

4 are women:

  • Rep. Robin Kelly (D-Illinois)
  • Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-Florida)
  • Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-New Hampshire)
  • Rep. Norma Torres (D-California)

4 were elected since 2014:

  • Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-New York)
  • Sen. Cory Gardner (R-Colorado)
  • Rep. Francis Rooney (R-Florida)
  • Rep. Norma Torres (D-California)

5 are Congressional Hispanic Caucus members:

  • Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-Texas)
  • Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-New York)
  • Sen. Robert “Bob” Menendez (D-New Jersey)
  • Rep. Albio Sires (D-New Jersey)
  • Rep. Norma Torres (D-California)

5 come from U.S.-Mexico border states:

  • Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-Texas)
  • Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Arizona)
  • Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas)
  • Rep. Norma Torres (D-California)
  • Sen. Tom Udall (D-New Mexico)

7 were last elected by a margin of less than 10 points:

  • Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Arizona)
  • Sen. Cory Gardner (R-Colorado)
  • Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wisconsin)
  • Sen. Timothy Kaine (D-Virginia)
  • Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-Florida)
  • Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Florida)
  • Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-New Hampshire)

These 34 Republicans are currently co-sponsoring at least one bill favoring more trade and travel with Cuba:

  • Rep. Tom Emmer (R-Minnesota)
  • Rep. Ted Poe (R-Texas)
  • Rep. Justin Amash (R-Michigan)
  • Rep. James Comer (R-Kentucky)
  • Rep. Eric “Rick” Crawford (R-Arkansas)
  • Rep. Thomas Garrett (R-Virginia)
  • Rep. Darin LaHood (R-Illinois)
  • Rep. Roger Marshall (R-Kansas)
  • Rep. Erik Paulsen (R-Minnesota)
  • Rep. Marshall “Mark” Sanford (R-South Carolina)
  • Rep. Austin Scott (R-Georgia)
  • Rep. Randy Weber (R-Texas)
  • Rep. Ralph Abraham (R-Louisiana)
  • Rep. Jim Banks (R-Indiana)
  • Rep. Ted Budd (R-North Carolina)
  • Rep. K. Michael Conaway (R-Texas)
  • Rep. Rodney Davis (R-Illinois)
  • Rep. Blake Farenthold (R-Texas)
  • Rep. A. “Drew” Ferguson (R-Georgia)
  • Rep. Gregg Harper (R-Mississippi)
  • Rep. Vicky Hartzler (R-Missouri)
  • Rep. Clay Higgins (R-Louisiana)
  • Rep. Trey Hollingsworth (R-Indiana)
  • Rep. Walter Jones (R-North Carolina)
  • Rep. Trent Kelly (R-Mississippi)
  • Rep. Jason Lewis (R-Minnesota)
  • Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Kentucky)
  • Rep. Steven Palazzo (R-Mississippi)
  • Rep. Todd Rokita (R-Indiana)
  • Rep. Jason Smith (R-Missouri)
  • Rep. Glenn Thompson (R-Pennsylvania)
  • Rep. Bruce Westerman (R-Arkansas)
  • Rep. Roger Williams (R-Texas)
  • Rep. Don Young (R-Alaska)

(There are three such bills, you can find them at by typing “Cuba” into the blank that says “Search by name.”)

Of these 34 Republicans, only one represents a district that Trump lost in November:

  • Rep. Erik Paulsen (R-Minnesota)

And only one won his district by less than 10 percentage points:

  • Rep. Jason Lewis (R-Minnesota, who in fact won by less than 5)

These eight members of the Congressional Central America Caucus also co-sponsor the Berta Cáceres Human Rights in Honduras Act:

  • Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Connecticut)
  • Rep. Raul Grijalva (D-Arizona)
  • Rep. Luis Gutierrez (D-Illinois)
  • Rep. James “Jim” McGovern (D-Massachusetts)
  • Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wisconsin)
  • Rep. Jared Polis (D-Colorado)
  • Rep. Janice “Jan” Schakowsky (D-Illinois)
  • Rep. Jose Serrano (D-New York)

Of these eight, five are also on the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, which Rep. McGovern co-chairs:

  • Rep. Raul Grijalva (D-Arizona)
  • Rep. James “Jim” McGovern (D-Massachusetts)
  • Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wisconsin)
  • Rep. Janice “Jan” Schakowsky (D-Illinois)
  • Rep. Jose Serrano (D-New York)

Of the Mexico-U.S. Interparliamentary Group, the U.S.-Mexico Friendship Caucus, and the co-sponsors of House Resolution 104 “Reaffirming a strong commitment to the United States-Mexico partnership,” these 17 “friends of Mexico” are on two out of three:

  • Rep. Jared Polis (D-Colorado, the only one on all three)
  • Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-Texas)
  • Rep. Gerald Connolly (D-Virginia)
  • Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas)
  • Rep. Susan Davis (D-California)
  • Rep. Theodore Deutch (D-Florida)
  • Rep. Keith Ellison (D-Minnesota)
  • Rep. Eliot Engel (D-New York)
  • Rep. Raul Grijalva (D-Arizona)
  • Rep. Alcee Hastings (D-Florida)
  • Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-California)
  • Rep. Grace Napolitano (D-California)
  • Rep. Beto O’Rourke (D-Texas)
  • Rep. Lucille Roybal-Allard (D-California)
  • Rep. Linda Sanchez (D-California)
  • Rep. Jose Serrano (D-New York)
  • Rep. Norma Torres (D-California)

Of these 17, the only one elected to Congress since 2014:

  • Rep. Norma Torres (D-California)
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